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Wednesday, 18th August 2010

Taking stock of the coalition's first 100 days

Patrick Nolan 10:51am

While the milestone of 100 days is not new – US presidents are still measured against the progress made in 100 days by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1933 –  it is important. A poor start can create the impression of a government of novices. A good one can provide a new government with critical momentum. So how has the coalition done so far? And, in particular, how well have they done in beginning to rescue the UK’s public finances?

Today Reform has released a report discussing the coalition government’s performance over its first 100 days. This report draws on four cross-party conferences held over June and July on welfare, education, public sector productivity and healthcare. Around 600 senior delegates from across the UK and abroad debated the presentations of 60 senior speakers and panellists including Iain Duncan Smith, Steve Webb, Yvette Cooper, Lord Knight, Nick Gibb, Francis Maude and Simon Burns.
 
The coalition was right to state that reducing the deficit is its most important task. The emergency Budget introduced by George Osborne contained the goal of eliminating the structural deficit within the term of a Parliament. Achieving this will require tough spending choices yet delay would make fiscal consolidation harder as interest payments on debt and the costs of unreformed programmes and entitlements would continue to rise. The coalition was also right to emphasise that the majority of the work in rescuing the public finances should come through spending cuts not tax rises, given the damaging effect that tax increases can have on economic growth.

While the goal was right the coalition is still to make the tough spending choices. The measures announced in the emergency Budget left the real drivers of government spending unaddressed. They set out to simply trim existing budgets. Examples include freezing the child benefit, rather than withdrawing benefits from people on middle and higher incomes, and freezing public sector pay, rather than introducing a link between pay and performance.
 
In other areas the spending choices that have been made have been the wrong ones. These choices include increasing the long-term cost of pensions by linking increases in the state pension with earnings, protecting the most poorly directed spending on welfare (middle class welfare), and the pledge to increase the NHS budget regardless of its efficiency or productivity. These are the largest budgets and the goal of eliminating the deficit will not be achieved unless they are addressed.
 
On pensions alone restoring the link between the core state pension and wages would increase cost by £21 billion (in today’s money) by 2050. The coalition remains in denial over the need to amend the pensions system and this will cost younger generations dearly.
 
The coalition has committed to a spending review and requested members of the public and public sector workers to submit ideas for making savings. However, of the “100,000 ideas” submitted to the review the coalition has chosen to highlight ideas such as encouraging volunteers to form teams of “civic gardeners” to reduce the demand for council staff. Again this highlights the concern that the coalition has not got to grips with the need to reduce the real drivers of government spending. Eliminating the deficit requires an honest debate on how to curb the over-reach of the state and what the future state should look like, not the charade of “civic gardeners.”
 
Given the long-term consequences of many policy decisions 100 days is early to take score. Rather than easily measurable short-term achievements what is important about this period is whether the government has begun to establish its long-term vision. While the coalition may have looked busy so far, that is not a measure of effectiveness. The coalition will be seen as being effective if it meets its target of eliminating the structural deficit in one term. But failing to meet this target – which will happen if the coalition does do not take some tough choices – will fatally damage fiscal credibility.

Patrick Nolan is Reform's Chief Economist

Filed under: Benefits (159 more articles) , Coalition (2088 more articles) , Crime (260 more articles) , David Cameron (1912 more articles) , Education (349 more articles) , Public finances (753 more articles) , Public service reform (343 more articles) , Spending cuts (626 more articles) , UK politics (5405 more articles) , Welfare (256 more articles)

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Richard of York

August 18th, 2010 11:18am Report this comment

Difficult to think of anything that has actually been done....so far its all been talk and very little action.
So for hot air 10 out of 10
Shame we are not pinning the recovery on balloon safaris.

Scott

August 18th, 2010 1:21pm Report this comment

typical response from tricky dicky, but considering how blinkered he is to the massive defecit left to us by that wonderful man of the people (sic) Gordon Brown, not entirely surprising. What a muppet.

Richard of York

August 18th, 2010 3:27pm Report this comment

Scott you don't seem to like facts much.
Youare not alone neither does the Tory party they can't use them without manipulation.
100 days and the voters put the tories level with Labour at 37%.
Happy days.
Whats up mate swallowed a wasp or something????

Jonathan Woolf

August 18th, 2010 5:51pm Report this comment

Patrick Nolan is right. So far, the Coalition has talked a lot, but on most specific examples it has caved to the first sign of unpopularity or special pleading. The only department to get hammered is defence, which is the only one that actually ought to be ring-fenced, given the small matter of our being in the middle of fighting a war.

The big spending departments haven't been touched. Health is ring-fenced (grossly inefficient), DfiD's budget is increasing(when it ought to be entirely abolished - spend its budget on tax breaks on giving and cut out the middle man), welfare's budget is increasing, and pensions have been given the bizarre triple lock (why is there a floor of 2.5% even if inflation and wages go up by less?). Public sector pay has had a temporary freeze, there isn't even a ban on further recruitment. Johnson's craven public sector pensions deal still stands. Together with that is the survival of the 50% tax rate - has no-one heard of the Laffer curve? - and the abject surrender of any attempt to halt, let alone roll back, the EU take-over (which includes an attempt to raise its own taxes to pay for its budget increase).

So far - lots of chat, lots of troubling signs, not much real action. And if the current tax environment is not changed, and City-destroying anti-British EU regulation is not stopped, in 5 years time our brightest and best will be working in Zurich and Hong Kong and we'll all be poorer, including the Treasury.

Dimoto

August 18th, 2010 7:39pm Report this comment

I agree with the criticism that the government's "crusading zeal" looks like New Labour 1997 part II.

Far, far too many priorities.
Which are in large part the result of the coalition agreement, and it's multiple ambitions.

Deficit reduction is unavoidable.
IMHO, Education should be the only other priority.
The rest, leave for another day.

There is no way on earth that IDS's good intentions won't result in an even larger welfare budget. It's a can of worms.
It would be smart to only open one can at a time.

We can assume that when the spending round is announced, there will be a cacophony of Labour agitprop, union threats, civil service undermining and media sensationalism.

All of those half-baked reforms, in so many areas, will likely just be swept away.

The government has a partial mandate, and a limited stock of political capital. It can't afford exposure on so many flanks.

We need a period of good, tight, efficient administration, which will save a lot of money, not a rainbow of "initiatives".

There is a serious risk of chaos and the early return of an exhausted and clueless Labour government.
God help this country.

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