It is rare to see Xi Jinping burst into laughter. But something must have tickled China’s Paramount Leader when he met South Korean President Lee Jae-myung on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Gyeongju, South Korea.
The summit will largely be remembered this year for Donald Trump’s tête-à-têtes with East Asian leaders, whether Xi Jinping, Lee Jae-myung, or Sanae Takaichi – despite the US president deciding to give the actual summit a miss. Yet, in what was a bumper week for South Korea, the summit’s host, other bilateral meetings must not go unacknowledged.
When Lee met Xi Jinping on Saturday, few expected the two leaders to guffaw in unison. But when gifted with two Chinese-made Xiaomi smartphones adorned with displays manufactured in South Korea, Lee’s first response was to ask – in jest – about the quality of their security. Xi’s quick-witted riposte was clear: ‘You can check if there’s a back door.’ For all Lee’s left-leaning nature, the joke formed a tacit recognition of a more sinister reality. Chinese espionage in South Korea and further afield is not going away anytime soon – which South Korea must not forget.
Xi’s joke formed a tacit recognition of a more sinister reality
For any world leader, not least the South Korean president, receiving Chinese smartphones is highly unusual, particularly given that South Korea is one of the global leaders in smartphone technology. Yet, at a time when China continues to coerce states near and far, not least through espionage, the China threat – and Xi’s little joke – must be taken seriously.
China is no stranger to having a penchant for espionage, misinformation, and disinformation. After all, psychological and public opinion warfare form two of the People’s Liberation Army’s ‘three warfares’ strategy (the third being legal warfare). As South Korea has evolved into a global technological giant, Seoul has become an increasingly significant target. From June 2024 to April this year, South Korea’s National Intelligence Service recorded more than eleven incidents of unauthorised filming of South Korean military facilities by Chinese nationals. Seoul’s infamous family-run conglomerates (chaebols), such as Samsung, have been the victims of the nefarious search for data and new technologies undertaken by Chinese firms. Not only have Chinese companies engaged in cyberwarfare by hacking into the computer systems of South Korean firms; they have also sought to bribe South Korean workers into offering trade secrets.
With espionage as one more tool in China’s arsenal, one would expect the West’s East Asian allies and partners to be vigilant, if not alarmed. Yet, prior to his election in June this year, the South Korean president himself gained infamy for his pro-China remarks. Whether dismissing the idea that the Taiwan issue was South Korea’s concern or criticising the US-deployed Terminal High Altitude Aerial Defence missile system in South Korea, Lee’s pre-election talk was hardly unconcerning. Since taking power, however, such rhetoric has thankfully dampened, with Lee instead seeking to strengthen Seoul’s ties with Washington and Tokyo.
At their rendezvous last week, Lee and Xi pledged to strengthen relations between their two respective countries, not least in working together to address the North Korean nuclear issue. But given Beijing’s own relations with Pyongyang, coupled with North Korea’s refusal to denuclearise, any such efforts between China and South Korea are likely to fall on deaf ears.
As Sino-US rivalry becomes more acute, South Korea will find it increasingly difficult to avoid choosing between its military ally in Washington and its principal economic partner in Beijing. Tempting as it may be to ‘tilt’ in Beijing’s direction, South Korea must ensure that its alliance with the United States continues to strengthen at a time of heightened regional security threats, even if doing so means bestowing Trump with honours, crowns, or – as was masterfully played by Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi last week – golf clubs.
It is not just South Korea that will continue to be targeted by Chinese espionage. The Chinese government has maintained that its notorious Confucius Institutes, scattered across over 145 countries, are little more than benign ‘cultural bridges’ reinforcing China’s ‘friendship’ with the world. The reality, as is well-known, is anything but. These institutes are both a tool for Beijing to diffuse political propaganda and monitor Chinese students overseas. The reason as to why so many educational institutes around the world (including on our own shores) welcome them with open arms is simple: money.
We in the United Kingdom may be 5,000 miles away from the Korean Peninsula but are anything but immune to the risks of China’s espionage. Despite these realities, the Labour government remains intentionally unwilling to call out China for what it is: a threat. As this week’s revelations have highlighted, academic freedom is now under threat not just from within our own universities, but also from outside. Evidence of China’s Ministry of State Security intimidating Sheffield Hallam University is a case in point.
Whilst there were no backdoors on the two Xiaomi smartphones gifted to Lee Jae-myung, China is certain to continue trying to gain backdoor access to other South Korean and Western devices, firms, and institutions. And this is no laughing matter at all.
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