Limor Simhony Philpott

More than anything, Israelis want the hostages home

Israelis march to demand freedom of all of the hostages held in Gaza, Tel Aviv (Credit: Getty images)

The war in Gaza, now in its 19th month, has reached a tipping point. On Monday, the UK, France, and Canada issued a stark warning to Israel, threatening ‘concrete actions’ if it doesn’t halt its renewed offensive and lift aid restrictions. The EU followed, with top diplomat Kaja Kallas announcing a review of trade agreements with Israel.

Hamas gloated predictably, calling the statement ‘an important step’ toward restoring international law – as if the terror group ever cared about any law but Sharia. But this diplomatic pile-on risks emboldening the group and alienating an ally without offering viable solutions. Israel’s war against Hamas is messy, costly, and increasingly unpopular at home – but the goal of eliminating the terror group remains imperative, and a new approach is desperately needed.

Israelis want peace and security, not endless conflict

Netanyahu’s new operation ‘Gideon’s Chariots’, launched at the start of the month, aims to eliminate Hamas by controlling Gaza – a move that’s drawn ire both internationally and domestically. Israelis are war-weary, and their allies are frustrated. Nevertheless, despite rebuking it this week, British Foreign Secretary David Lammy affirmed genuine support for Israel’s right to defend itself against Iran and its terror proxy. Still, threats of sanctions and trade reviews aren’t the answer.

The picture in Israel is complex, and without nuanced understating, could even seem contradictory. The vast majority of Israelis support the crucial goal of dismantling Hamas–a group bent on Israel’s destruction. This remains non-negotiable. The way to do it, however, is hotly debated.

The war’s toll is undeniable. It has bled Israel financially, with billions spent on military operations, and a high cost in the lives of soldiers and Israeli civilians. A potential Saudi deal, vital for Israel’s regional interests, now looks like a pipe dream amid the chaos. At home, trust in the government is at rock bottom. Polls show 78 per cent of Israelis want a state inquiry into the failures of 7 October, which Netanyahu is resisting, fuelling perceptions of ‘Bibi’s war’ as a personal crusade.

This new operation isn’t popular – Israeli media reported that only 25 per cent of Israelis support it. Reservist burnout is rife, with units reporting large absences, and Israelis want to prioritise the return of the hostages, whose lives they fear are at greater risk due to the operation. Most also reject the notion of controlling Gaza long-term.

Israelis want this war over, but they also need security. So why aren’t they supportive of the current operation? Because after 1.5 years of fighting, Hamas’s persistence has left many questioning Netanyahu’s strategy. The war’s limited success, with 58 hostages still held in Gaza, has deepened fatigue and eroded confidence in the government’s ability to win.

And yet the warnings of Israel’s allies, while reflecting genuine frustration with Netanyahu – a sentiment widely shared by Israelis – entirely miss the mark. Threatening ‘concrete actions’ without offering alternatives risks handing Hamas a propaganda win. It also ignores the complexity of Israel’s predicament: how do you fight a terrorist group embedded in civilian life without collateral damage? Symbolic gestures like suspending trade talks or reviewing EU agreements amounts to virtue signalling that does little to address the root issue: Hamas’s refusal to disarm and the harm they cause to their own population in Gaza.

A better approach exists. Egypt’s postwar plan for Gaza, endorsed by Arab leaders in March, offers a $53 billion (£40 billion), five-year reconstruction blueprint that keeps Palestinians in Gaza, governed temporarily by a technocratic administration and secured by international peacekeepers, while granting Israel’s military the right to keep operating against Hamas in the Strip.

France, Germany, Italy, and the UK backed the plan, but Israel and the US dismissed it – Netanyahu for fear of losing control, Trump for his unrealistic ‘Middle East Riviera’ vision. This plan isn’t perfect, but it’s a practical start: it sidelines Hamas, rebuilds Gaza, secures the return of hostages, and gives Israel security guarantees. Allies should rally behind it, rather than make threats, and push Israel to engage.

Netanyahu’s intransigence frustrates everyone. But Israel’s allies must do better than ultimatums. They should offer solutions that bolster Israel’s fight against Hamas. Israelis want peace and security, not endless conflict. After 19 months, a new approach, grounded in pragmatic diplomacy and regional cooperation, is the only way forward. The alternative – more threats, isolation and war –serves no one, least of all those yearning for an end to this nightmare.

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