If you speak to anybody unfortunate enough to have spent time canvassing for the Conservatives during the general election, they will tell you that one issue came up on the doorstep: immigration. The failure to control our borders using Brexit powers led voters to defect en masse to both the Liberal Democrats and Reform. Any attempt to forge a right-wing party capable of entering Number 10 again must begin with contrition, followed by a long period of working to regain trust.
Much has been made of the fact that Jenrick is a former Remainer
This year’s leadership debate marks a welcome change from 2022. Two years ago, the unprecedented movement of people into Britain was essentially dismissed as an afterthought. Conservative party members have this time been given a choice between two candidates offering distinct positions on how to kickstart the process of repairing the party’s reputation on immigration.
One, put forward by Robert Jenrick, offers crisp and precise pledges for potential voters: a legally binding cap on legal immigration and withdrawal from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). But Kemi Badenoch’s immigration approach is less clear. Badenoch has said that immigration numbers matter but that ‘culture matters even more’. She has a point: we don’t want people coming to Britain who don’t respect our way of life. But given that Badenoch has warned against leaving the ECHR, it isn’t clear how she intends to achieve her aims.
Restoring voters’ trust on immigration requires precise policies. Leaving the ECHR will not immediately remedy high immigration figures, but vowing to do so is the signal of a politician who is serious about reinforcing our borders, even if it sparks some negative headlines or temporarily rubs some of our international partners up the wrong way. A firm promise to exit the treaty will also show that the party is serious about genuine change. Committing to a policy that will divide opinion is, in itself, a principle. It will be a vital one if the Conservative party wants a realistic chance of clawing back support ahead of the 2029 election.
Jenrick also says he intends to get people deported within days, as opposed to weeks or months. His position on the ECHR is one which he can, and should, expand on, to include all human rights obligations which might block deportations. But it’s important to have the political courage to take this position first. If you are serious about solving this problem, everything has to be on the table. Jenrick is right to take this approach.
We know that previous Conservative governments have failed to enforce caps on immigration. The reason behind that failure appears to be their fundamental dishonesty. Conservatives of the past, particularly in the Cameroonian mould, thought that their job was to ‘listen’ to voters’ concerns about immigration instead of actually responding to them.
Much has been made of the fact that Jenrick is a former Remainer; it’s also said by some that we cannot trust any Conservative given the record of the party after the last 14 years. Those misgivings are understandable. But Jenrick is credible on the immigration issue. He can claim his ‘Road to Damascus’ moment took place while confronting the horrors of our open borders regime at the Home Office, which eventually prompted his resignation as immigration minister.
While in post, Jenrick oversaw a steep increase in enforced and voluntary returns. Since his departure over Rishi Sunak’s refusal to control our borders, he has co-authored a report for the Centre for Policy Studies detailing precisely how immigration can be reduced. Jenrick already understands this issue and has a track record of addressing it. That is why, as it stands, he is the best choice to be leader of the Conservative party.
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