Politics

Read about the latest UK political news, views and analysis.

What happens when you inherit your uncle’s underclothes

Just as the English have inspired supreme artistry in male dress, symbolised by Savile Row and Beau Brummell, so they have also contributed a dissenting movement of genteel shabbiness or grand nonconformity. It is not dictated by lack of cash but by sup-erior indifference, meanness and what I call the Robinson Crusoe syndrome, a delight in creating do-it-yourself clothes. Men like, and women do not like, reading Crusoe for that reason. The propensity to take pleasure in wearing old and worn, second-hand and even inherited clothes is strongest in wartime but persists into peace. The fictional archetype of this kind of gentleman is Sunny Farebrother in Anthony Powell’s Music of

Ross Clark

Enough, says Blair — but is anyone listening?

Given that the government’s lust for setting targets has done so much to increase bureaucracy in public services Given that the government’s lust for setting targets has done so much to increase bureaucracy in public services, one could be forgiven for a little scepticism regarding the Prime Minister’s latest target: to reduce red tape by 25 per cent. Presumably a new quango will be set up to measure the exact length of red tape which binds the country, so that Blair will be able to pronounce victory once precisely a quarter of it has been chopped off. I don’t hold out a great deal of hope that this latest initiative

Charles Moore

The Spectator’s Notes | 2 December 2006

As the bicentenary of the abolition of slavery in this country approaches, Tony Blair expresses ‘deep sorrow’ for British involvement in the trade. As the bicentenary of the abolition of slavery in this country approaches, Tony Blair expresses ‘deep sorrow’ for British involvement in the trade. Extraordinary that he should feel the need to adopt such a tone when the act commemorated is something to be proud of. But his words are carefully chosen in order to avoid paying ‘reparations’ to descendants of slaves who think they deserve them. It is worth noting one thing about the reparations campaign. The campaign’s spokesman, Esther Cranford, speaks of the ‘so-called slave trade’.

Fraser Nelson

David Cameron must avoid the trap set by Gordon Brown’s pre-Budget report

When Ernest Bevin was appointed to run Britain’s wartime economy, he saw his chance to fix policy for decades. When Ernest Bevin was appointed to run Britain’s wartime economy, he saw his chance to fix policy for decades. ‘They say Gladstone was at the Treasury from 1860 to 1930’, he declared. ‘Well, I will be at the Ministry of Labour from 1940 to 1990.’ Bevin was out in five years, and dead in another six. But Gordon Brown is made of sterner stuff. The Chancellor firmly intends to be at the Treasury — spiritually, if not physically — from 1997 until 2017, and he started legislating with that goal in

Fraser Nelson

‘I am one of Thatcher’s children’

Andy Burnham is appalled. I had only asked whether there is any truth in the popular Westminster rumour about the ‘Primrose Hill Set’ — where he and other young Labour ministers allegedly meet on Sunday afternoons in the north London home of David Miliband, the Environment Secretary, to discuss life and politics. It sounded plausible enough: aged just 36, he is a health minister and tipped as one of Labour’s brightest hopes for the future. But the idea of belonging to a bourgeois dining club is, to him, almost libellous. ‘I have never had lunch in Primrose Hill,’ he declares. ‘The thing that excites me at the moment is a

Charles Moore

The Spectator’s Notes | 25 November 2006

While David Cameron was in Darfur, pointing out how Islamist leaders in Khartoum give evasive answers about the mass killings in the region, his shadow attorney-general, Dominic Grieve, was attending a rally in central London called to protest about ‘Islamophobia’. The publicity for the rally said this was manifested by a campaign of ‘physical attacks, firebombing and assaults on women… including an attempt to suppress the right of persons of all faiths to dress in accordance with their religious convictions’. It was organised by the British Muslim Initiative, an offshoot of Respect, the party represented in Parliament by George Galloway. Among those speaking were Ken Livingstone, Tony Benn and Muslims

Worse than civil war

The assassination on Tuesday of Pierre Gemayel, Lebanon’s industry minister, was another brutal blow of the axe to the cedar tree that gave its name to the nation’s so-called ‘revolution’ last year. That uprising was triggered by another death — the murder of the former Lebanese prime minister, Rafik Hariri in February 2005 — and forced the resignation of the pro-Syrian government of the time. The shooting of the 34-year-old Gemayel, a scion of the country’s leading Christian family and an outspoken opponent of Syrian influence, shows how desperately fragile Lebanon’s gains have been and, frankly, how illusory were its claims to independence after the 2005 uprising. It is no

Toby Young

The social climber’s case for going green

A man I know who works for a large multinational corporation recently took the decision to trade in his people carrier for a Toyota Prius. Very eco-friendly, you might think, but as with so many apparently ‘green’ consumer choices, there’s more to it than meets the eye. For one thing, his girlfriend was so cheesed off — she wanted him to get a BMW — that he bought her a Mini Cooper by way of compensation. And the waiting list for a Prius is so long that for the foreseeable future both he and his girlfriend will be driving cars that run on carbon fuel. Needless to say, the fact

The Tories must say No to torture

The government is, on behalf of you and me, involved in the worst type of man’s inhumanity to man — torture. Yet with the honourable exceptions of William Hague and Andrew Tyrie, the Conservative party, the party I wholeheartedly support, the party that talks of compassionate conservatism, is failing to speak out about it when it should be shouting from the rooftops. Think of your wife or child screaming in unbearable pain, deliberately inflicted. The mere thought is enough for me to know that torture is unacceptable under any circumstances. Yet some people need to be convinced by other arguments. There are plenty. The first is that torture does not

It’s surprising what you can buy from an ice-cream van in Scotland’s Manhattan

Glaswegians are secretly proud of their new, four-lane bridge across the River Clyde, the first crossing to be built in over 30 years. Seen from either end, it looks like half of a McDonald’s ‘Golden Arches’ sign. The city’s spin-doctors insist on calling it the ‘Clyde Arc’ but locals have christened it the ‘Squinty Bridge’, because of the dizzying way the steel support crosses from one side of the road to the other. The Squinty Bridge is important because it marks a return to the city’s Clydeside roots. ‘The Clyde made Glasgow and Glasgow made the Clyde’, runs the old saying. But the city turned its back on the Clyde

Fraser Nelson

Fiasco Royale: Labour’s ineptitude

Fraser Nelson reveals the mounting fury within the intelligence community at ministers’ failure to set in place a serious framework for smashing Islamic terrorism. Too little too late is the angry verdict of the spooks Throughout their history, James Bond films have shown an eerie ability to predict national security threats. Dr No (1962) looked beyond the Cold War towards a new brand of international terrorism. In Goldfinger (1964) the menace was rogue nuclear weapons, and in Moonraker (1979), biological warfare. In Casino Royale, released this week, Bond fights terrorists by cutting off their sources of funding — precisely the mission which Gordon Brown has set himself in real life.

A Kiwi conservative’s message for Dave

Allister Heath talks to Don Brash, leader of New Zealand’s National party, and finds him much more robust than Cameron on tax cuts, welfare and the environment If you were to cross Clark Kent with Josiah Bartlet of The West Wing, you would end up with somebody very much like Don Brash, leader of New Zealand’s conservative National party. A mild-mannered, grey and softly spoken 66-year-old, he is endearingly wonkish; thanks to eye surgery, he no longer wears thick glasses but his hobby remains growing kiwi fruit on his orchards. But first impressions can be deceptive and there is another, steely side to Dr Brash: like Martin Sheen’s character, he

Martin Vander Weyer

What makes a great businessman: a silver tongue or a killer instinct?

‘Who’s the most impressive business leader you’ve ever met?’ ‘Who’s the most impressive business leader you’ve ever met?’ I asked a group of senior executives the other night. I confess I interjected the question (as I do here) to enable me to mention that I have just edited a book of business obituaries. But it provoked a lively debate about the qualities that make great entrepreneurs and industrialists. Among living candidates, no one voted for any of the current crop of buccaneers: Sir Philip Green in retailing, Michael O’Leary in the air, Michael Spencer in the City. Instead, there was strong support for 80-year-old Sir Ernest Harrison — visionary founder-chairman

Fraser Nelson

Reid ‘wants some Etonian blood on his hands’. But so does Brown

The most famous political quotations come not from politicians but the wickedness of headline writers. Although Jim Callaghan never said ‘Crisis? What crisis?’, the phrase stuck because it seemed to sum up perfectly his psychological denial during the Winter of Discontent. It was a newspaper, not Thomas Jefferson (or even Thomas Paine), which declared ‘that government is best which governs least’. So it scarcely matters that David Cameron never actually said ‘hug a hoodie’ — the words seemed a credible summation of his approach to crime. It is enough, anyway, for Labour to declare war. When the Tory leader resurrected the theme last week with a new saying — ‘we

Charles Moore

The Spectator’s Notes | 4 November 2006

‘It’s a milestone round his neck’, I heard a football manager saying on the Today programme. ‘It’s a milestone round his neck’, I heard a football manager saying on the Today programme. It was not what he meant to say, but it seems apposite to my own case, since I am writing this on my 50th birthday. This bittersweet event gives me an egocentric framework in which to consider Sir Nicholas Stern’s new report on climate change. I have no idea whether Sir Nicholas is right in his predictions about the level of global warming, or of the ill effects of that warming, or in his prescriptions for how to

Brown’s green dilemma

The publication of the Stern report on the economics of climate change was a deeply significant political punctuation mark. On Monday Tony Blair declared that the document was ‘the most important report on the future which I have received since becoming Prime Minister’. Yet it will not be Mr Blair who faces the formidable task of selling the report to the British public, legislating accordingly and urging other countries to follow suit. That task will fall to the man who is all but certain to succeed him: Gordon Brown. Sir Nicholas Stern’s findings are the work of a seasoned economist rather than of a green campaigner. Not everybody accepts his

Fraser Nelson

The Queen’s Speech will be just a holding statement, as Whitehall waits for Gordon

There is something comically surreal about the ten-year plans Tony Blair has commissioned across his Cabinet. A Prime Minister who will not last another ten months is asking his Cabinet to agree a strategy in four areas of policy. No one engaged in the process is in any doubt about its futility. Soon Gordon Brown will be prime minister and his own, deeply personal strategy will be the only one that matters. All activity until then is hopelessly cosmetic. It is in this spirit that ministers are preparing for the Queen’s Speech on 15 November. There was a time under this government when this event would fizz with Blairite energy,

Charles Moore

The Spectator’s Notes | 28 October 2006

There is a yet another plan to reform the House of Lords, getting rid of lots of life peers, proposing partial direct election and, as always with these ideas, the fuller representation of ethnic minorities. Commentators and politicians may be tempted to look at these plans ‘on their merits’ and go through them minutely. This is a waste of time. All Lords reform talk is mere displacement activity to avoid facing the far more serious parliamentary problem that the House of Commons does not work any more. No political party will address this, because all, once in office, prefer it that way. This column recently commented on the boredom and

Fraser Nelson

Britain will ‘see the job through’ in Iraq. But ‘the job’ has changed completely

The perfect political U-turn is formed by an arc that curves so gradually that it is difficult to perceive any change of direction. Even now it is hard to pinpoint when, exactly, the British government gave up on Iraq. But in Westminster the mood change is discernible and the new direction clear. An inflection point has been reached where hope of a democratic, stable country — the original vision at the time of invasion — has been abandoned. The mission is now defined as handing over Iraq to the Iraqis, whether stable or not. The pace is being set in Washington, as it was in the months before the invasion.