Scotland

How the SNP wrecked Scottish education

‘The politicians aren’t listening to us,’ an exasperated teacher tells me by phone. ‘There’s nothing left for us to do but get on with it.’ The despair felt by Scottish teachers is a notable shift from the anger I encountered in the staffroom when I trained among them five years ago. That was the year of the ‘PISA shock’, 2015, when Scotland performed abysmally in reading, maths, and science in the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA). Distinguished education professors at top Scottish universities were left reeling. One such academic suggested that the Scottish government had five years to fix the problem. In response, John Swinney, the SNP’s education secretary,

The illiberal attack on Douglas Ross over gay marriage

Same-sex marriage could not be described as a central issue in the Holyrood election, having been legal in Scotland since 2014. However, some are keen to make it one. Earlier this week, the Daily Record published a bizarre story attacking Tory leader Douglas Ross for a seven-year-old comment about marriage.  In an ‘exclusive’ exposé the Record noted that: ‘Scots Tory leader Douglas Ross would have voted against same-sex marriage in 2014 if he had been an MSP’. Ross also made the apparently heinous statement: ‘We need to recognise both sides of the argument.’ Other papers later aped the ‘revelations’, and they were even raised in a Channel 4 leaders’ debate.

John Ferry

Scotland’s post-reality politics

When the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) uses the word ‘disappointing’ in its press release, you know things are getting serious. This week, the IFS said a ‘lack of credibility’ unites the policy manifestos of the three biggest Scottish political parties (the SNP, Scottish Labour and the Scottish Conservatives) competing for votes in the Holyrood election next week. The IFS’s David Phillips also said that, with the exception of the Scottish Conservatives, it was ‘disappointing’ to see ‘no serious attempt by the parties to provide transparent and comprehensive costings for their plans’. The Tories still got a telling off though, as did the SNP again, for underestimating the true cost

Susan Dalgety

Is Nicola Sturgeon in for a scare in her own seat?

Political geeks of a certain vintage are still nostalgic for that Portillo moment when, at 3.10 a.m. on 2 May 1997, Tory cabinet minister Michael Portillo lost his safe Enfield Southgate seat to a shocked Stephen Twigg. A ripple of applause ran through Britain as the result was read out, turning to screams of delight as people realised the moment signified an end to 18 years of Tory rule and the dawn of New Labour. There is little prospect of a similar earth-shaking tremor coursing through Scotland next week when the votes are counted in the Holyrood elections. The SNP will be the largest party and their Waitrose wing, the

Stephen Daisley

Tony Blair states the obvious

If there is more joy in Heaven over one devolutionist who repenteth, the celestial jubilations must be in full roar over a belated admission from Tony Blair. In an interview with ITV News, the former prime minister reflected: ‘I do think one of the weaknesses in the way we approached devolution was not to build real cultural ties and emphasise the enormous things that the different countries in the United Kingdom have in common.’  Although, in familiar self-exculpating fashion, Blair insisted ‘the Union would already be in tatters’ had the Scottish and Welsh parliaments not been established, the semi-penitent constitutional vandal did allow that ‘we were wrong… in believing that

A vote for the SNP would mean another wasted decade in Scotland

Sometimes, Westminster unwittingly makes quite a good case for Scottish independence. Britain’s Covid emergency has ended, but the damage of the last year is enormous: the knock-on effects of lockdown can be seen in NHS waiting lists, the devastated high street, the mental health backlog and the 20,000 pupils who are absent from the school register. There is urgent work to do, yet the government is engaged in a battle to the death over who paid for wallpaper in Downing Street. We see a Prime Minister at war with his ex-adviser, unable to rise above the fray and capitalise on the opportunity of his vaccine success. Then there’s the opposition,

James Forsyth

The nightmare: Boris’s battles are just beginning

When Boris Johnson parted company with Dominic Cummings at the end of last year, it was inevitable there would be trouble further down the line. To pick a fight with one of Britain’s most formidable campaigners and his allies was always going to have consequences. It’s now becoming clear what they are. Some of the revelations from Johnson’s enemies are quotable: for example, the allegation that he said in private he’d rather let ‘bodies pile high’ than allow a third lockdown. But what he said in anger, or what he considered doing, matters a lot less than what he actually did. That’s why the most serious question he’s facing is

How London will help Scotland get independence

The Scottish election may be a done deal but the move towards indyref2 is the next big thing. And on that rocky road Scots independence supporters may have some unusual allies: English public opinion and much of the London-based press. Curiously enough, these forces may be ready to apply powerful pressure on a beleaguered Boris Johnson to do the right thing by Scots if a majority of independence-supporting MSPs are elected on May 6 as expected. Indeed, if Nicola Sturgeon takes her time demanding the Section 30 powers that let her hold a lawful referendum, mad-for-it London hacks may hold Nicola’s feet to the fire more effectively than a SNP/Green/Alba

What’s the point of voting in the Holyrood election?

There’s an election going on in Scotland. I know because my recycling bin is full of leaflets, my Twitter timeline peppered with advertisements for online hustings and there are ballot papers on my kitchen table offering me a choice of five constituency candidates and nineteen options on the regional list.  But I’m not feeling gripped. No one believes the government will change. Leaving aside speculation about possible developments after May in the great constitutional drama, the atmosphere is mainly that of a minor interruption to official business. It has been obvious for a while that there is an understanding across politics that this election will not interfere much with the

How to hold a credible referendum on Scottish independence

Whatever happens in the Scottish Parliament elections on May 6, Westminster should apply new thinking to all future referendums in the United Kingdom. Central to this new thinking should be the principle of ‘informed consent’. Electorates should be as well informed as possible about the likely consequences of their vote.  The Australian constitution (a British Act of Parliament of 1900) supplies the model. It requires that the constitution may only be modified by a referendum on a detailed proposal which has already been agreed by the Australian parliament. Thus in the 1999 Australian referendum on the monarchy, the voters did not vote on the bare principle of monarchy, leaving the

Stephen Daisley

Anas Sarwar’s independence problem

Will Anas Sarwar lead Scottish Labour back into second place at Holyrood? On the strength of the campaign he has fought, he deserves to, for he has run the most positive, energetic and ideas-based offering in a dreary and rancorous election. Sarwar has been almost alone in trying to make the May 6 poll about something other than arid constitutionalism.  His proposals are all sound, social democratic measures: a jobs guarantee for young Scots; investing in cancer and mental health treatment; and extra funding for schools to recover from the educational setbacks of Covid-19. Against an increasingly stale-sounding Nicola Sturgeon and the Scottish Tories’ angry-robot leader Douglas Ross, Sarwar has

Steerpike

Watch: Scottish Labour leader crashes dance class

The Holyrood election has been characterised as relentlessly negative, with the SNP and the Conservatives sticking rigidly to their respective attacks on the Prime Minister and calls for a second referendum on independence. Both Nicola Sturgeon and Tory leader Douglas Ross look like they desperately want the whole thing to be over. Not so, Anas Sarwar. The Scottish Labour leader appears to be living his best life with an energetic campaign emphasising his opposition both to indyref2 and banging on about opposition to indyref2. This has led to him being accused by Sturgeon of sitting on the fence.  Sarwar can be seen gyrating enthusiastically to ‘Uptown Funk’ by Mark Ronson

John Ferry

Sturgeon has no credible answers on economics of Scexit

What has happened to the SNP’s usually slick media handling during this election campaign? In several recent interviews the famously sure-footed Nicola Sturgeon has struggled to sound credible when asked tricky questions. The bluff and bluster, learned from her mentor Alex Salmond, is still there, but at the same time there is a sense of a previously grounded authenticity slipping away. In a revealing interview with Channel 4 News last week, Sturgeon was asked if she has conducted any economic analysis on the consequences of independence. Given the UK is now outside the EU (and hence we have clarity on the EU-UK trading relationship) and that Sturgeon wants to use

Anas Sarwar shows how to unite Scotland

Tony Blair had a breakthrough moment in the mid-1980s. As an opposition frontbencher, he observed that UK politics was paralysed by Margaret Thatcher. The Conservative party were in awe of her and Labour were mesmerised like a snake in front of a mongoose. Politics was binary: are you for or against Thatcherism? Tony realised that the open ground in UK politics was what happened after Mrs Thatcher. Thus was born the ‘third way’, which smashed right through the sterile binary debate. Scottish politics today is similarly gripped by a barren and futile dichotomy: are you for or against a second independence referendum? The question is, on the face of it, irrelevant

An English parliament is a terrible idea

It’s Saint George’s Day, which means it’s that time of year when Unionists must once again don their armour, saddle their horses, and ride out to slay that most terrible of dragons: an English parliament. This proposal rears its head every so often as a possible solution to the increasingly undeniable strain that two decades of devolution has put on the constitution of the United Kingdom. It is in fact one of the surest means of guaranteeing the dissolution of the Union. Unfortunately, the reasons for this are pretty much exactly the same reasons that the creation of the other devolved legislatures was a bad idea. That means that there

Steerpike

Watch: SNP candidate claims English border would ‘create jobs’

The calibre of SNP representatives in recent years has provided Mr S with a rich seam of stories and memorable lines. Nearly one fifth of the party’s Westminster contingent has been sacked, quit, put under investigation or suspended during the last 18 months while in Holyrood there has been the ongoing Salmond/Sturgeon saga and the spectre of sleaze in Derek Mackay and Mark McDonald. Few though have been as eminently quotable as the incumbent member for the South Scotland region, Emma Harper. In 2019 she appeared on the BBC Scotland show Debate Night and made a series of bizarre claims when asked about whether an independent Scotland would keep the British

Scotland cannot be held in the Union against its will

Adam Tomkins’ suggestion that the UK should morph from a consent-based union of equals into a constitutional forced marriage contains all the classic elements of modern Unionist thought. Guaranteed to infuriate Yessers by suggesting a treaty between two independent states can be retrospectively replaced by a Hotel California-style unquittable union — check. Guaranteed to cement the Tories’ reputation as the slightly-crazed, hardball members of the Better Together team for current electoral purposes — check. Guaranteed to fall apart as a proposition after five minutes of serious examination — check. But also guaranteed to momentarily deflect attention from the fact Conservatives have now abandoned any effort to defend their sacred status quo

Alex Massie

The nationalists’ vaccine fallacy

The trouble with nationalism of any and every sort is that, in the end, it eats your brain. As evidence of this we may simply note Nicola Sturgeon’s assertions this week that the success of Britain’s vaccination programme should in no way encourage the thought an independent Scotland might have struggled to match this happy development. According to Sturgeon, there is ‘absolutely no evidential basis to say Scotland would not have vaccinated as many people as we’ve vaccinated right now’ if it were an independent state. This is, to use the technical term, bollocks on a tartan pogo-stick. It would be vastly closer to the truth to argue the contrary,

Steerpike

Pollster consistently overstated Scottish independence support

Few events are as eagerly anticipated in Scotland as the release of a bombshell new poll. Unionists and nationalists eagerly refresh their Twitter feeds at the anointed hour, awaiting to praise or castigate the company in question for its latest figures on the all important question of independence. For both sides know the figures will be seized on by the media as ‘proof’ that their side is winning, their cause is just and their campaign’s triumph inevitable. One poll that made more headlines than most was a Savanta ComRes survey in December which found that support for a ‘Yes’ vote to Scotland leaving the Union was polling at 52 per cent compared

Stephen Daisley

Scotland’s Mean Girls election

Presented for whatever is the opposite of your edification, an exchange between the leaders of Scotland’s main political parties. The setting is Tuesday night’s Holyrood election hustings, hosted via Zoom by the National Union of Students. We begin with Nicola Sturgeon accusing Scottish Conservative leader Douglas Ross of being inconsistent on who gets credit for the Covid vaccination programme in Scotland. Nicola Sturgeon: Make your mind up. Douglas Ross: No, I was saying your rollout was poor. Your rollout was poor. NS: But the point is, the UK chose to— DR: But answer the question— It’s like watching a very dressed-down remake of Mean Girls. Totally not fetch. NS: —procure in