Angela merkel

The expected triumph of the centre-right Popular Party in today’s Spanish elections promises to have some interesting consequences for British politics. The PP have been in close touch with the Tories here and plan to introduce an emergency budget based on the Osborne model: a clear deficit reduction plan combined with an increase in the retirement age. They hope that this will reduce the ever-upwards pressure on Spanish bond yields. Certainly, if the PP approach does succeed in gaining Spain credibility with the bond markets, it will bolster the coalition’s arguments about the importance of sticking to Plan A. As Matt d’Ancona argues in The Sunday Telegraph, the Tory argument

David Cameron and Angela Merkel were clearly keen to show that, whatever the tensions over the role of the European Central Bank, they still get on. I lost count of the number of times in their press conference that they used the word ‘good’ to characterise their relationship and their discussions. But there did not appear to have been any actual progress on how to deal with the current crisis. Certainly, there was no softening of Germany’s opposition to using the ECB as the backstop for the Eurozone. Merkel conceded that she had raised a European-only financial transactions tax with the Prime Minister but that, unsurprisingly, no progress had been

All eyes are on Berlin, where Angela Merkel is trying to convince her supporters in the Bundestag to vote through the expansion of the EFSF. She is expected to succeed, thanks to the votes of the social democrat opposition, which may prove to be the final nail in her political coffin. Markets in Paris and Frankfurt have made cautious gains so far  in expectation of Merkel winning the vote. Elsewhere, Nick Clegg will give a speech in Warsaw about the future of the Eurozone and the European Union. His speech has been trailed in the Guardian. He will say:  ‘We cannot accept arrangements that would privilege the eurozone as a

Markets sank into negative territory this morning, following Standand&Poor’s downgrade of Italy’s credit rating. (Although they have since recovered.) The agency cut Italy’s rating from A+/A-1+ to A/A-1; it also kept its outlook as negative. The agency’s reasoning is hardly surprising: growth is negligible, debt is unsustainable and Silvio Berlusconi’s inert government appears incapable of arresting the crisis. Frail economics and supine politics, those twinned threats to prosperity, have struck again. The implications to the Eurozone, and the world economy, are obvious. An economist in Nomura’s Sydney office told Reuters, “It only adds to the contagion risk over Greece and has encouraged the flight to safety in markets here.” Over

It is hard to overstate how serious the crisis in the eurozone is or what it might do to the politics of Europe. The European project is putting in danger the very political stability in Europe that its supporters have always claimed to be its strategic and moral justification. I understand that American banks are now so nervous about the situation on the continent that they have effectively stopped new lending to European banks. The view in Westminster today is that the Greeks will avoid default for a little longer. But few can see them making it to Christmas. Indeed, the expectation seems to be a default sometime in October.

Angela Merkel must tire of repeating herself. Eurobonds are “exactly the wrong answer” to the European debt crisis, she said yesterday for the umpteenth time. She added that they would “lead us to a debt union not a stability union”, a free-for-all funded by German taxpayers. She concluded that “greater commitment” from the 27 member states of the European Union was required to stabilise the situation. Her comments would have, perhaps, placated her mutinous coalition in Germany, which is virulently opposed to Eurobonds and expensive integration. George Osborne, on the other hand, might have been slightly perturbed that Merkel prefers “greater commitment” from countries like Britain over the “remorseless logic”