Brexit

Biggest loser from this Budget? The credibility of Tory tax promises

There is a very big winner from today’s budget. Not adults in social care, not schools, but Ukip. Philip Hammond has handed a huge political opportunity: to position itself as the party of the self-employed: the taxi driver, the brickie, the plumber, the small shop-owner. These used to be natural Tories. From today, with Hammond imposing a two per cent extra tax on their income, and breaking a manifesto commitment in the process, they will be looking for a new political home. No wonder Suzanne Evans was tweeting about the change within seconds of it being made. The Treasury’s argument for raising National Insurance Contributions on the self-employed is that

Steerpike

Jeremy Corbyn’s Brexit breakfast blunder

We all know that Brexit means Brexit – but not if you’re Jeremy Corbyn, it seems. During his response to Philip Hammond’s Budget announcement, the leader of the opposition made a blunder which Mr S suspects he’s not going to be allowed to forget any time soon. ‘Our economy is not prepared for breakfast,’ Corbyn told the Commons – before quickly correcting himself. Mr S does have some sympathy with Corbyn. After all, the Labour leader isn’t the first politician to fall into the trap of equating Brexit with breakfast. Welsh Tory leader Andrew Davies did just that at the Conservative party conference last year when he told delegates: ‘Mark my words,

Tom Goodenough

What’s in Philip Hammond’s Budget box?

Philip Hammond doesn’t do box office. Unlike his predecessor George Osborne, he doesn’t do burgers either, with his austere pre-budget picture showing the Chancellor looking characteristically gloomy as, we’re told, he prepares Britain to be ‘match fit’ for the future. So what do we know about Hammond’s first – and last – spring Budget? For those who have accused Hammond of being too downbeat, there’ll be some glimmers of hope. It’s expected that the Chancellor’s ‘upbeat assessment’ of Britain’s economic outlook which he will deliver at the despatch box will mean the country’s growth forecast will be revised upwards – giving the Chancellor an extra £12bn to play with over

The opposition-shaped hole in British politics

If you want to judge the extent of the crisis that is paralysing the left, look at this morning’s Guardian. On the one hand you have an article from Abi Wilkinson, who tellingly doesn’t even mention the Labour leader’s name. Convincingly to my mind, Wilkinson argues that the May government ought to be in all kinds of trouble. May herself is an evasive and awkward politician. She is presiding over an NHS that has had more austerity than it can stand. The British Red Cross may have been guilty of hyperbole when it said the UK faced a ‘humanitarian crisis’ across the whole of its health service. But individual patients are finding that, as far

Alex Massie

The SNP’s rosy-tartaned independence vision comes unstuck

In 2013, the Scottish National Party claimed an independent Scotland would be the sixth richest country on earth. Like many extravagant suggestions, this contained the essence of its own downfall. It would be lovely if it were true but didn’t it seem just a tiny bit too good to be true? At the same time, and for the next 18 months or so, SNP politicians assured the Scottish people that there was no need to worry about the economic case for independence. They had the numbers to prove it. Granted, no one was ever encouraged to ask awkward questions about the assumptions made to generate this rosy-tartaned vision. For instance,

A Parliament veto on Brexit would guarantee a stinker of a deal

Theresa May is warning Tory rebels that if Parliament gets a meaningful vote on Brexit, the European Union will be ‘incentivised’ to offer the UK a ‘bad deal’. She is right. But that doesn’t mean the Prime Minister should dismiss the prospect of the House of Lords inflicting a second defeat on the government, with peers today set to back an amendment requiring Parliament to endorse the UK’s final Brexit deal. May should, in contrast, turn what looks like an inconvenience to her political and diplomatic advantage. Theresa May responded to the first Parliamentary defeat to the government’s Article 50 bill, on an amendment designed to guarantee residency rights for all EU

Tom Goodenough

What the papers say: Why amending the Brexit bill would be a mistake

Remember David Cameron’s renegotiation with Brussels in the run-up to the referendum? There’s a good chance you’ve probably forgotten; after all, even the Prime Minister wasn’t keen to talk up his paltry deal. Yet there’s a danger of history repeating itself if peers have their wicked way, warns the Sun. ‘Peers and rebel Tory MPs’ are keen to tangle up Theresa May with a veto on whatever she agrees with the EU, the paper warns. This would be a mistake. It’s clear that Cameron’s renegotiation ‘failed because EU leaders didn’t take him seriously’. And if Brussels ‘knew the Prime Minister might be sent back to compromise time and again’ they’d

What the papers say: Why ‘Spreadsheet Phil’ is the Chancellor Brexit Britain needs

You don’t earn a nickname like ‘Spreadsheet Phil’ for being a showman. But is Philip Hammond’s powder-dry demeanour and unwavering focus on the numbers actually his strong point? Yes, says the Sun, which suggests the chancellor’s cautious approach is exactly what Britain needs right now. The paper says that whereas Hammond’s predecessors would use their Budget announcements to reach for ‘popularity-boosting giveaways’, not so the current incumbent at No.11 who takes a more sensible approach in saying ‘now is not the time for a spending spree’. ‘We couldn’t agree more,’ says the Sun, which warns of ‘greater challenges’ ahead. There may be ‘Brexit storms’ approaching, the paper points out before arguing that

Sir John Major is a model former Prime Minister

Sir John Major does political intervention just right, doesn’t he? Never mind what he actually says. Once a year, twice max. Lob in a perfectly prepared hand grenade, wave and get the hell out. None of that terrible neediness of Tony Blair, still so stricken that he’s not in office. No children will cry, nor dogs howl, as they might at the biannual haphazard sight of Gordon Brown. Major is never hysterical, and never cheap, and he always disappears again within 24 hours. Precisely how an ex-prime minister ought to be. David Cameron, wherever he is, should be taking notes. This is an extract from Hugo Rifkind’s column, which appears

Charles Moore

In defence of Lord Heseltine

Lord Heseltine has been denounced because he says he will vote against the government over Brexit in the House of Lords. It seems terrifically unfair. Has there ever been an occasion, in his long political career, when he has not been in favour of British membership of the EU (or EEC)? Why should he change now, aged 83, from that honourably held, spiritedly asserted, if wrong, position? Can’t a few Europhiles, in the mirror-image of John Major’s Eurosceptic ‘bastards’, be bastards too? The only inconsistency in Hezza’s last stand is that this is the one time in his half-century stance on Europe when he has asserted the right of Parliament

Why Hammond won’t be pulling rabbits out of hats on Budget day

Normally, the Saturday before a Chancellor’s first Budget would be dominated by discussion about their plans for the economy. But, as I say in The Sun this morning, Philip Hammond would rather not be delivering a Budget next week. He thinks it should be in the autumn, but he has one more Spring one to do before this shift can take place. This, as one Ministerial colleague observes, puts him in a unique position: ‘He’s the first Chancellor in history to play down his first Budget’. But then, Hammond is not a showman. He’s not interested in producing rabbits out of hats. He’s also cautious about Brexit. He might have

Carry on Major: real democrats don’t shout down Europhiles

As Prime Minister, John Major was intolerant of opposition from within the Conservative party over the EU — memorably calling Maastricht rebels ‘bastards’. It was unwise, and the bad blood it created within his party has been swirling around ever since. Now that the tables have turned and Sir John now finds himself the rebellious outsider on Europe, it is tempting for those on the Conservative party’s Eurosceptic wing, who for so long were denounced as freaks, fruitcakes and swivel–eyed loons, to take the same approach. Their instinct is to denounce Sir John, Michael Heseltine, Ken Clarke and others as dinosaurs seeking to deny the will of the British people. A

Why the Commons headache over Brexit is only just beginning

Theresa May might have won every Brexit vote in the House of Commons so far, but it’s getting trickier now. The House of Lords this week rejected the plan to trigger Article 50 without offering assurances to EU nationals, knowing that most MPs are sympathetic. I understand that the Tory whips are working hard to whittle down threatened rebellion at the ‘ping-pong’ stage. Given that everyone in Vote Leave pledged to protect EU nationals – as did four out of the five original Tory leadership contenders – it’s harder work. Quite a few rebels feel they need to make a point about the status of EU citizens. The whips will

Tom Goodenough

What the papers say: Why the Commons should listen to the Lords

Peers haven’t made themselves popular by voting for an amendment to the Government’s Article 50 bill. They’ve been called ‘contemptible’, accused of an ‘insidious plot to thwart democracy‘ and threatened with abolition. But is there a chance they were right to try and make MPs think again? That’s the argument made in the Times this morning, which says in its editorial that if you felt uncomfortable watching unelected peers meddling with the business of elected MPs there’s a simple reason: the peers had a point. The role of the Lords is to ‘request that the Commons should further reflect’, says the Times. And in calling for MPs to think again on the Article 50

Carry on, Major

As Prime Minister, John Major was intolerant of opposition from within the Conservative party over the EU — memorably calling Maastricht rebels ‘bastards’. It was unwise, and the bad blood it created within his party has been swirling around ever since. Now that the tables have turned and Sir John now finds himself the rebellious outsider on Europe, it is tempting for those on the Conservative party’s Eurosceptic wing, who for so long were denounced as freaks, fruitcakes and swivel–eyed loons, to take the same approach. Their instinct is to denounce Sir John, Michael Heseltine, Ken Clarke and others as dinosaurs seeking to deny the will of the British people. A

Ed West

The hypocrisy of pro-Union Brexiteers

There’s something quite romantic about the idea of a real border between Scotland and England, which a government minister warns will be the result of Scottish independence. Maybe we could have an India-Pakistan style daily face-off, but with soldiers dressed as The Jocks and the Geordies. Or an old-fashioned war over the ‘debatable lands’, which hasn’t been seen since the Rough Wooing. As Alex Massie warns in this week’s cover story, voters in parts of Britain may soon have to endure yet another referendum, with a considerably weaker unionist case this time around: Neither May nor Sturgeon would choose to make their stands on this kind of terrain. But politics

Tom Goodenough

What the papers say: The Lords’ ‘insidious plot to thwart democracy’

When the House of Lords voted against the Government’s Brexit bill last night, peers won’t have been expecting much in the way of thanks in today’s newspapers. But the ferocity of the attacks on the Lords could still come as something of a surprise: it’s time for the Lords to go, says the Sun in its editorial this morning in which it accuses peers of trying to ‘hobble the PM’ in Brexit talks. The paper describes the Government’s defeat last night as ‘contemptible’ and ‘short-sighted grandstanding’, and says the session showed that Lords wanted to make it clear ‘how much they care about EU citizens’  -with no regard for British citizens

Steerpike

Nigel Farage’s stock rises – as Ukip’s falls

Today’s figures from the electoral commission show that between 1 October and 31 December 2016, Ukip raised only £33,228 in donations — just £3,228 more than the Women’s Equality Party. However, as the party struggle to attract capital post referendum, Mr S is pleased to report that it’s another story for former leader Nigel Farage. Although Farage once complained that he was poor for a politician, the latest European Parliament register of interests paints a different picture. With his new gigs on Fox News and LBC, Farage has updated his register to include a ‘category 4’ income for broadcast contracts. This means he is earning at least 10,000 euros a month, which would work out