If there are two things new leaders of political parties dread, it’s unsolicited advice and Scotland. The advice because, even when it’s helpful, and it’s mostly not, it underscores the sheer volume of work that lies head. Scotland because, in recent years at least, its politics have been so volatile and unpredictable that anyone stepping into it, especially an English politician, has done so only under duress.
I intend to combine these two political headaches by offering Kemi Badenoch some advice on Scotland, but to make up for it my advice draws on the example of one of her political heroes.
After Margaret Thatcher took over the leadership of the Conservative party, she tore up the party’s Scotland policy, which had been steered in a pro-devolution direction by Ted Heath. Thatcher recognised the creation of a devolved Scottish assembly to be an act of self-harm by Westminster, which would undermine Parliament’s political authority in Scotland and would only encourage nationalism. This sparked a furore among that collective noun for spineless bed-wetters: the Conservative parliamentary party. Some resigned from her front bench; others, we now know, briefed against her to the Americans. Following the failure of the 1979 referendum, Thatcher and later John Major buried devolution in a deservedly unmarked grave until the Scottish Labour party – that collective noun for arrogant, over-indulged wreckers – dug it up and talked Tony Blair into reviving it.
Twenty-five years later, the Scottish parliament presides over a much-degraded education system, an NHS lurching from one crisis to another, a ferry procurement that has turned into a burning pit of money, and businesses alienated by a political class that scorns wealth creation. Holyrood has tried to change national gender laws and impose a burdensome recycling scheme on English firms selling bottled goods in Scotland. A rival Scottish state, built by Labour and expanded by the Tories, has been deployed to undermine the UK and agitate for independence and, according to his supporters at least, was set against the late Alex Salmond in a plot to destroy and even imprison him. Thatcher’s instincts were right: devolution has proved to be one of the most grievous injuries the British state has chosen to inflict upon itself.
I say all this not to suggest that Badenoch should commit her party to abolishing devolution, but that she should learn from Thatcher’s example. My advice, therefore, is this:
1) Do not be intimidated or patronised on Scotland policy. It is not, as the Scottish political and media establishment would have you believe, a Scot-only zone. A Tory leader who happens to be English has not only a right but a duty to speak on the proper governance of Scotland. If you ever become prime minister, you will be prime minister of all of the United Kingdom, Scotland included. No qualification of nationality or origin is required. You must think and speak of Dornoch, Dundee and Dumfries with the same ease as Durham, Doncaster and Dover.
2) Do not neglect Scotland. It’s the easiest thing in the world to do, and it’s exactly what some of your predecessors did. The dynamic is different because you are opposition leader, not prime minister, but the principle is the same. Have a spad whose job is to say ‘How will this affect Scotland?’ in every meeting and discussion. It’s not enough to assume that because a policy area is largely devolved – say, health – that there is no Scotland crossover. The devolution settlement is replete with such tripwires. Be canny enough to dodge them.
3) Avoid thinking in ‘four nations’ terms. This is a phrase used by nationalists to undermine UK sovereignty and by devolutionists to pretend that we have a federal system of government. We do not. The first question in devising any policy is: Will this further or hinder the interests of the UK? Accommodating different needs in different parts of the country is only sensible, and unavoidable because of devolution, but nothing should be done that undermines national unity. Yes, each of the component parts of the UK is a nation, with its own customs and traditions, but their collective interests are embodied in the UK, which is the sovereign country. No one nation is more important than the country.
4) Be bold. During the contest, you stumbled when questioned about whether the UK was a ‘voluntary union’ and about your past comments on ‘reprogramming’ devolution. What you ought to have said is that ‘voluntary union’ is a political term foreign to our constitutional tradition. The UK is a union of law and the law says that the kingdoms of Scotland and England are as one. Anyone wishing to change that should change the law. Scottish nationalists who claim Scotland is being held in the UK ‘against its will’ should consult the 82 per cent of countries around the world that have indivisibility clauses in their constitutions prohibiting or impeding secession. As for reprogramming devolution, you should follow your instincts on this front. You might also, if I may be so immodest, follow my suggestions on how to reform the devolution settlement, or those of constitutional experts.
5) Listen to the Scottish Tories but don’t be bound by their preferences. The Holyrood party will always know the Scottish political scene much more intimately than you or your SW1-based advisers. That makes the new Scottish leader Russell Findlay an invaluable resource, and he is, as I’ve pointed out, someone with a similar outlook to yours. Use him, but be prepared to make captain’s calls when need be. You are the leader of all Conservatives, not just the 120 MPs behind you, and that very much includes Scottish Tories.
The political landscape in Scotland is fluid, with the SNP faltering and Labour hoping to regain control of the devolved Scottish government in 2026. But there remains a place for the Tories provided they can coax back those voters who abandoned them for Reform while offering a new home to disaffected SNP supporters of a conservative mindset. Kemi Badenoch just took on this responsibility along with many, many others.
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